CENTRAL AND SOUTH AMERICANS

For more than a century, Central and South Americans have continuously immigrated to the United States. Their countries of origin include: Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, Panama, Belize, Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, Columbia, Ecuador, Paraguay, Peru, Uraguay and Venezuela. These countries vary greatly in size, geography, history, language, levels of urbanization and industrialization and number of immigrants who have resettled in the United States. Immigrants from these countries have been incorporated into the social fabric of the United States in different ways; the US government has welcomed some groups more than others.

Central and South American immigrants are a very diverse group; the population includes people from different socioeconomic, ethnocultural and geographic backgrounds. Although the majority of Central and South Americans speak Spanish, the population also includes indigenous Indians who speak languages such as Quiche or Kanjobal, and coastal Central Americans who speak English. Racially and ethnically, Central and South Americans are the descendants of indigenous Indian, African and European people; the population also includes people of Asian descent. Although the majority of South and Central Americans are Roman Catholic, the group also includes many Protestants and a smaller number of Jews and people from other religions. Economic and sociopolitical instabilities are the most important determinant factors for South and Central Americans to come to the United States. Overall, their relocation in the United States is the direct result of economic and political stresses in their home countries. According to the U.S. Census, in 1990, there were 2,359,432 Central and South Americans living in the United States. It is important to note, that the Census figures appear to be a low reflection of the actual Central and South American populations due to an undercount of undocumented persons.

IMMIGRATION PATTERNS

1. Immigration from South America

Immigrants from South America have been coming to the United States since the 1800s. Over the past almost 200 years, over 1.4 million South Americans have legally entered and resettled in the United States and a smaller unknown number have entered the country without documents. South Americans have been motivated to immigrate to the United States for both socioeconomic and political reasons. In the 1800s, Chilean, Peruvian and other South American men were drawn to the United States for economic reasons. Their extensive experience in the mining industry in their home countries caused them to be in high demand during the gold mining period in states like California. Throughout the 1900s South Americans continued to immigrate to the United States. From 1910 to 1930, over 4,000 South Americans entered the United States annually. During the second World War, labor demands contributed to increased immigration from South America. As a consequence of these early migrations, there are many second, third and fourth generation South Americans in the United States. However, the overwhelmingly majority of South American immigrants entered the United States after 1960 and a large part of the population, about 45 percent, arrived after 1980.

According to the Census, 87,705 South Americans were living in the United States prior to 1965. During the 1960s many new South American immigrants entered and resettled in the United States as a consequence of new policies related to the Immigration Act of 1965 which created immigrant quotas to countries that historically had not been included in US immigration policies. The 1965 law encouraged professionals and skilled laborers to migrate to the United States and permitted the resettlement of numerous young working-class and middle-class South American families. By this time, many U.S. urban centers had well-established Latin American immigrant communities that attracted South Americans to their neighborhoods. Between 1965 and 1979, about 291,491 South Americans entered the United States. Between 1980 and 1990, almost 400,000 South Americans entered the United States; these immigrations were primarily composed of Colombians, Peruvians, Ecuadorians, Argentineans, Venezuelans and Chileans. Among these groups, the greatest number of legal South American immigrants in the United States immigrated from Colombia. In 1994, Colombia ranked as the nineteenth largest sending nation. During this 30 year period, a smaller number of South Americans entered the United States without immigrant documents. According to the Census, 1,035,602 South Americans resided in the U.S. in 1990. These decades were characterized by political instability and the rise of military dictatorships in much of South America and although many South American immigrants who came to the United States were seeking economic opportunities, others were fleeing political persecution and turmoil in their countries of origin. For example, it was during this period that thousands of Chileans fled their country from the severe military repression of the Pinochet government. As they sought refuge abroad, many selected to resettle in the United States.

2. Immigration from Central America

Central Americans have been resettling in the United States since the 1800s. Between 1820 and 1993, over one million immigrants from Central America legally resettled in the United States. More than half of the Central American immigrant population settled in the United States after 1980. The post 1980 immigrant wave also included a very large number of undocumented persons.

The first wave of Central American immigration to the United States can be traced to the mid-1800's when coffee was introduced as a cash crop in Central America and a thriving export trade developed in the West coast with San Francisco as the chief processing center. Once these links were established, social networks led to migratory movements back and forth, at first limited to the Central American elite but gradually many Central Americans, both male and female, were recruited to work in coffee factories and other food industries in the United States.

The second wave of Central American immigration to the United States occurred during the 1930's and 1940's. During this period, Central American immigrants established communities in New York, San Francisco, Los Angeles, Houston and New Orleans. This cohort of Central American immigrants was composed of men and women from the urban middle classes who had relatively high levels of education-- intellectuals, teachers, labor organizers, political dissidents, exiled military officers who were not in agreement with their national governments. There were also individuals that had direct ties to their governments and/or who were members of the dominant social class in their countries. Their immigration was motivated by their desire to escape failing economies, political persecution and lack of personal freedom.

Unlike subsequent waves of Central American immigrants, the second wave of Central American immigrants relied mostly on family networks established by the first wave of immigrants, rather than on ethnic, neighborhood, village, or national migration networks. It was this cohort of Central American immigrants who became active members of social migration networks and helped to establish the social and economic foundations of U.S. based Latin American immigrant communities that would benefit future generations of Central Americans, and other Latin Americans, who arrived later.

World War II created some demand for labor from Central America and a small number of immigrants resettled in the United States but, the third wave of Central American immigration to the United States is traced to the 1960s when over 100,000 Central Americans were admitted to the United States. In the mid-1960's, Central American immigration to the United States began to increase dramatically. The increase was influenced by the new policies of the Immigration Act of 1965, which permitted the resettlement of numerous young working class and middle class Central American families. Newcomers resettled in established Latin American neighborhoods where existing social networks, familiar cultural traditions, and support systems were maintained by the Latin American immigrants residing in those communities. The new Central American arrivals further developed the economic, social, and cultural structures of existing Latin American ethnic communities, social networks, and economic enclaves in San Francisco, Los Angeles, Houston, New York, New Jersey, New Orleans and Washington, D.C. The impact of the new Central American immigrants to these already established Latin American communities was clearly discernible during the late 1960's and early 1970's. According to the U.S. Census, prior to 1965, about 57,737 Central Americans resided in the United States.

In the late 1970's and early 1980's, migration patterns from Central America changed as a direct result of sociopolitical and socioeconomic conditions in the region. Political turmoil forced large numbers of Salvadorans, Guatemalans, Nicaraguans and Hondurans to enter the United States as political asylum applicants or without legal immigration documentation. While the pre-1979 migrations were mostly economic in nature, the post-1979 migrations were generated by severe economic and political stresses faced by most of the nations in the Central American region.

Before the 1970's, most Central American immigrants arrived with legal immigration status as permanent residents or with student visas. After the 1970's, the majority entered the United States without documentation. The U.S. Bureau of the Census reported that the total number of Central Americans counted in the 1990 census was 1,323,830 persons. Of the total figures only 277,731 were U.S. born, while 1,046,099 were foreign born individuals. According to the census data, 59,737 arrived in the United States prior to 1965; 256.149 arrived between 1965 and 1979; 730,213 arrived between 1980 and 1990. However, there is wide agreement that exact demographic figures of legal and undocumented Central American immigrants are not currently available. Presently, Central America ranks as the second Latin American region contributing legal and undocumented immigrations to the United States.

As a direct consequence of widespread political turmoil in the Central American region, Central Americans have been affected by a number of changes in immigration and refugee policy and legislation. The 1980 Refugee Act added distinct classifications for refugee and political asylum applicants and tens of thousands of Central Americans , petitioned for political asylum in the United States; very few applications have been granted. In 1990, the INS received 22,271 asylum applications from Salvadorans; 260 individuals were granted asylum; 8,648 applications were denied. The Immigration and Control Reform Act of 1986 (IRCA) which was enacted by Congress to grant legalization status to undocumented Salvadoran persons who had entered and resided continuously in the United States territory prior to January 1, 1982. By 1988 only 168,05 Salvadorans who had applied for this program; much lower than the estimated 3 million eligible persons the INS predicted would apply. The Temporary Protected Status (TPS) Legislation for individuals from designated countries (for example, El Salvador) was passed by Congress as part of the Immigration Act of 1990, TPS meant that these individuals could legally reside in the United States for an 18 month period that began in January 1, 1991. Deferred Enforced Departure (DED) extended TPS for an additional 12 months. Although many Salvadorans applied for TPS/DED, many more did not thinking that TPS/DED was a short term remedy for their immigration status. The ABC Program was enacted in January 1991 after the U.S. government settled a legal case brought by the American Baptist Churches, on behalf of over 80 religious and refugee assistance organizations, which claimed that the INS and State Department had a history of discriminatory practices against Salvadorans and Guatemalans applying for political asylum. Consequently, those individuals who were residing in the United States as of September 19, 1990 and had been previously been denied political asylum by a district director, an immigration judge, or the Board of Immigration Appeals could get another opportunity to have their cases reviewed by a new trained corps of asylum officers hired under regulations which went into effect in October 1990. Many Salvadorans and Guatemalans applied to the ABC Program because they were interested in a more permanent solution that TPS/DED offered because they feared for their personal safety upon their return to their country of origin. The numbers of applicants denied political asylum is unclear; in the late 1990s many individuals were being deported back to their country of origin.

DEMOGRAPHIC CHARACTERISTICS

1. Characteristics of South American Immigrants to the United States

Of the approximately 1,035,602 South Americans counted in the 1990 U.S. Census, 378,726 immigrated from Colombia; 191,198 from Ecuador; 175,035 from Peru; 100,921 from Argentina; 68,799 from Chile; 47,997 from Venezuela; 38,073 from Bolivia; 21,996 from Uruguay and 6,662 from Paraguay. For all of these groups, the population is about equally composed of males and females, with the exception of Colombians who have more males than females in the U.S. based population. Overall, and within groups, the South American immigrant population in the United States is a young population. In 1990 the median age of its members was approximately 31 years of age. Fewer than 6% of its members were over age 62; 27% of its members were under nineteen years of age.

The number of foreign born persons, as opposed to U.S. born persons, is significantly larger for every South American immigrant group. According to the U.S. Census (1990), 776,036 South Americans in the U.S. are foreign born as compared to 259,566 U.S. born persons.

As a group, South Americans in the United States have high levels of educational attainment. On average, in 1990, 71% of all South Americans had at least a high school education, 20% had a Bachelor's degree or more and, only 13% had less than a ninth grade education. Among South Americans, Venezuelans appear to have the highest levels of educational attainment (in 1990, 86% had a high school degree or more, 38% had a BA degree or more and only 6% had less than a ninth grade education).

South Americans have been integrated into the U.S. labor market at every level. Their labor force participation rates are high; their rates of unemployment relatively low, although rates of unemployment are higher among women than men. In 1990, 84% of South American men, and 63% of South American women, were in the paid labor force. Six percent of men, and 9% of women, were unemployed. Importantly, naturalized South Americans had lower rates of unemployment than those who were not citizens. Compared to most Latino groups, South Americans have high levels of education and are employed in the managerial and professional sector in large numbers (21%). However, the number of South Americans employed in jobs which require high levels of education varies among particular South American groups. For example, about one third of all Venezuelans, Argentineans and Chileans in the U.S. are employed in the managerial and professional sector, compared to 14% of Ecuadorians and 17% of Colombians. There are also large numbers of South Americans employed in the technical sales and administrative sector (21%) and as operators, fabricators and laborers (22%). Smaller numbers are employed in precision production, craft and repair (18%) and in the service sector (17%). Only 1% of South Americans are employed in farming, forestry or fishing.

Although, the majority of South Americans work for others, many South Americans have opened small businesses. A significant proportion of these businesses cater primarily to Latinos; these include: grocery stores, restaurants, auto, travel, lending, real estate and taxi businesses.

As a consequence of relatively high levels of education and integration into all levels of the labor market, compared to most Latino subgroups, South American households are earning higher wages. In 1990, 24% of South American households were earning more than $50,000 (31% of Argentinean households; 29% of Uruguayan households and 28% of Chilean households) and 9% were earning more than $75,000 (16% of Paraguayan households, 14% of Argentine households). Importantly, South American households whose members are naturalized have significantly higher earnings than those whose members are not citizens; for example, among those earning $50,000 or more, 23% vs. 12% respectively. However, not all South American households have high earnings and not all South American households are insulated from poverty. For example, despite the fact that Venezuelans have high levels of education, high rates of labor force participation and low rates of unemployment, 15% of the U.S. Venezuelan families were living below the poverty line in 1990; Ecuadorian and Colombian families also have high rates of poverty. Importantly, rates of family poverty are twice as high among South American immigrant families whose members are not citizens than among those whose members are naturalized.

2. Characteristics of Central American Immigrants to the United States

According to the U.S. Census, 1,323,830 Central Americans resided in the United States in 1990. The largest group of Central American immigrants are from El Salvador (565,081); next are Guatemalans (268,779), followed by Nicaraguans (202,658), Hondurans (131,066), Panamanians (92,013) and Costa Ricans (57,223). These groups vary in the ratio of men to women in their populations; among El Salvadorans and Guatemalans, there are more men than women; among the other four groups, there are more women than men. The number of foreign born persons is significantly larger for every Central American group. Among the Central American population as a whole, the official number of foreign born persons is 1,046,099; as compared to 277,731 U.S. born persons.

Compared with other populations, the Central American population is young, with proportionately more children and fewer elderly. In 1990, the median age of the population was approximately 28 years old. Only 4% of the population were 62 years of age or over and 32% were nineteen years of age or under. This youthful age structure is a result of a combination of new immigration, which consists mostly of young adults in their reproductive years, and high fertility at younger ages, particularly among the foreign-born.

As a group (and compared to South Americans), Central American immigrants in the United States have relatively low levels of educational attainment. On average, in 1990, more than half of the Central American population (54%) had less than a highschool degree; 34% had less than a ninth grade education and only 9% of Central Americans had a Bachelor's degree or more. Among Central Americans, Panamanians, Costa Ricans and Nicaraguans have the highest levels of educational attainment; Salvadorans and Guatemalans the lowest. A significant proportion of the Central American population (60%) does not speak English well and the majority of those who do not speak English well (71%) are not U.S. citizens.

Central Americans, both men and women, have high rates of labor force participation. However, the population is poorly integrated into the U.S. labor market with the vast majority of its members disproportionately employed in low wage sectors of the labor force. The vast majority of Central Americans (approximately 85%) are employed in jobs requiring lower levels of education. In 1990, only 9% of Central Americans were employed in the managerial and professional sector.

As a direct consequence of low earnings many Central American families are quite poor. The majority would be described as "working poor" since these are families were adults are working full-time but their wages are not high enough to lift them out of poverty. In 1990, 25% of Central American families with children were living below the poverty level. Among Central Americans, rates of poverty are highest among Honduran, Salvadoran and Guatemalan families. Importantly, rates of poverty are highest among families whose members are not citizens. The population also includes a small percentage of families and households whose incomes are higher. In 1990, 15% of Central American households had incomes of more than $50,000 and 4.6% had incomes of more than $75,000.

It is possible to observe more similarities across socioeconomic class status rather than in national identity issues between different Central American populations. Large numbers of individuals of various Central American origins presently living in the U. S., come from middle or working class backgrounds. They include teachers, high school and university students, secretaries, accountants, homemakers, domestic workers, office workers, and skilled factory workers. They also include large numbers of much poorer, rural agricultural workers who arrived in the U.S. in the 1980s escaping political persecution, forced relocation, or the unsafe political climate in their native rural communities. Throughout and across various Central American countries, working class and poor populations have strong similarities in their social and cultural experiences and have very little in common with upper class social and cultural experiences.

MIGRATION PATTERNS WITHIN THE UNITED STATES: 1970-1990

1. South American Migration Patterns Within the United States

The majority of South Americans who immigrated to the United States after 1970 were motivated by a combination of economic and sociopolitical conditions in their countries of origin. Many South Americans immigrated to the United States seeking economic opportunities which would benefit family members who remained in their countries of origin. Others left their countries as a result of political instability and the rise of military dictatorships in much of South America.

Most South American immigrants settled in urban areas; very small numbers of South Americans have settled in rural areas in the United States. The majority are concentrated in the Northeast, in New York and Chicago, and on the Westcoast, in San Francisco and Los Angeles. Here, South Americans have found jobs in the professional, service and manufacturing sectors. In New York, many South Americans resettled in the borough of Queens where various subgroups live in separate neighborhoods. In all these cities, South Americans have settled both in and outside of established Latino communities.

2. Colombians in the United States

The Colombian community is concentrated mainly in the Northeast, in New York City and Chicago. The community in New York City dates back to the 1940s when a few hundred white, middle-class, educated Colombians arrived in New York City and settled in the borough of Queens in a then working-class neighborhood called Jackson Heights because it provided decent housing, good schools and easy access to Manhattan. These early immigrants formed the nucleus of a now predominantly white, middle-class community into which large numbers of Colombians have settled over many years. Between 1945 to 1955, political instability in Columbia triggered a large-scale immigration to the United States. After 1960, thousands of Colombians continued to immigrate to the United States in search of economic and educational opportunities which were not available to them in Colombia. Most settled in established Colombian and Latino neighborhoods. Throughout these communities, Colombians have established professional, social, business, political and recreational associations and opened many small businesses, such as restaurants, grocery stores, real estate and travel businesses and repair shops. The Colombian community in Chicago is smaller and more racially diverse than its New York counterpart. It includes both a highly educated, middle- and upper-class community which resides mostly in the suburbs and, a working class community which is more urbanized. Both communities are racially diverse, consisting of white Colombians and those whose ancestry is a mixture of AfroCaribbean, Indian and European descent. Like new York City's Colombian community, those in Chicago have established professional, social, business, political and recreational associations held together by national, ethnic and regional ties.

3. Chileans in the United States

Chileans have been immigrating to the United States since the mid 1800s when Chilean minors came to the United States to work in the gold mines in California. The civil war of 1891 caused Chile's first mass emigration, with large numbers of Chileans fleeing to Argentina, Europe and the United States. This population movement was followed by political instability, a parliamentary republic, a military coup (1924), constitutional reform, a brief socialist republic (1932), a return to conservative rule and the leftist Popular Front coalition (1938). After the Second World War, Chile's economy deteriorated and at the same time as European immigration to Chile increased, Chilean immigration to other Latin American countries and to the United States increased. Most of these immigrants were middle-class urbanites. Salvador Allende Gossens was elected president in 1970. His socialist policies, including land reforms, price freezes, wage increases and the nationalization of the copper industries without compensation, led to a U.S. led economic embargo and internal dissent from conservative forces within Chile. In 1973 a U.S. backed military group led by General Augusto Pinochet assassinated Allende, dissolved Congress, persecuted dissenting political activists and declared a State of Siege. Pinochet became president in 1974, political parties were banned in 1977 at the same time that the United Nations condemned the Pinochet government for human rights abuses. Over 1 million people are estimated to have been exiled or to have fled from Chile during Pinochet's rule (1973-1989); about 10% of these refugees settled in the United States. Large numbers of these refugees settled in the California, New York and Washington, D.C. Throughout the 1970's Chileans immigrated to the United States wherein they had a significant cultural impact on the communities in which they settled. Fewer immigrants arrived in the early 1980's but, the numbers increased again in the mid-1980's as a result of economic deterioration. In 1988 Pinochet announced unrestricted rights for all Chileans to return and since the reinstatement of civilian government in 1989, thousands of Chileans have returned to their native land. According to the US Census, in 1990, there were 68,799 Chileans in the United States.

4. Peruvians in the United States

Peruvians have been migrating to the United States since the 1800's. In the contemporary period, the majority of Peruvian immigrants have followed traditional social migration networks when they relocated to the United States. The majority have settled in the following states in order of preference: New York, California, Florida, Illinois and Washington, D.C. Andean immigrants have settled largely in Washington D.C. and Miami. Peruvian immigrants are the only Latin American immigrants in the United States who formally have annual conventions of their immigrant and community organizations and cultural associations. Since 1984, Peruvians have met in annual conventions to address the needs of their community. In 1990, the Census estimated that there were 175,035 Peruvians in the United States. However, research on Peruvian immigration to the United States reveals that more than 400,000 Peruvians are currently residing in the United States. In recent years there has been a major influx of Peruvians into the state of California; the majority of whom are young students who have left Peru as a result of economic and political instability.

5. Central American Migration Patterns Within the United States

Sociopolitical and economic crises have been the most important determinant factors for the contemporary Central American migrations to the United States. In the post 1970 period, El Salvador, Guatemala and Nicaragua were affected by armed insurgency against the established governments. During the 1980's, more than 200,000 people were assassinated by right wing paramilitary groups, death squads and the armed forces in El Salvador and Guatemala. During this time of war and persecution the most common targets for assassination were labor leaders, Indian leaders, intellectuals, community organizers, Catholic priests, lay preachers, catechizers, agricultural workers and students. The Sandinista revolution against the Anastasio Somoza government in the late 1970's, and the Contra war in the 1980's, claimed an additional 200,000 victims in Nicaragua.

Three different migration patterns have been identified among Central American immigrant populations in the United States. The first pattern is selected by urban dwellers who choose to relocate in urban centers in the United States. It is assumed that these individuals are accustomed to city life and make every possible attempt to relocate in an urban environment in order to take advantage of the opportunities available in U.S. cities. In general, these immigrants have higher levels of education and possess some of the skills necessary to be successfully incorporated into the U.S. society. The Central American communities in San Francisco and Los Angeles are examples of this migration.

The second pattern is observable in Central American rural populations relocating in U.S. urban communities. These populations come from lower working class backgrounds, have lower levels of education, and are not as well prepared to be successfully incorporated into the U.S. urban environment. Consequently, the majority must accept low wage jobs in insecure sectors of the labor market. These patterns are observable in Houston, Washington, D.C. and in Los Angeles.

The third pattern is followed by Central America rural dwellers who select to relocate in U.S. rural areas and continue to work as agricultural laborers in the United States where the majority earn very low wages and live below the poverty level. This pattern is commonly observed in the large agricultural fields in California and Florida.

6. Salvadorans in the U. S.

The Salvadoran immigrant population in the United States is composed of people from a range of socioeconomic and cultural backgrounds who hold diverse political ideologies. In the 1970's, many members of the ruling class in El Salvador left the country to legally resettle in the United States, predominantly in Florida and California. These legal immigrants had already established economic, cultural and political ties in the United States. Many had been educated in U.S. or European universities and/or had social and economic ties to the United States. Their socioeconomic status, educational background, bilingual skills, and legal residency or U. S. citizenship helped them to readily adjust to their new life in the United States. This phenomenon of upper class migrations is characteristic of Latin American societies while undergoing revolutions, as was observable, for example, in the cases of Cuba and Nicaragua.

On the other hand, the majority of Salvadorans who immigrated to the United States after 1979 came without legal immigration status and originated from middle and lower class backgrounds; the majority lacked the economic and social support available to upper class Salvadorans. A significant number did not have the educational, occupational, and language skills needed to succeed in the United States. Salvadoran society has been affected by a long history of political upheaval and the impact of the civil war has been multi-dimensional. The majority of Salvadorans left their country to escape the civil war and to search for personal safety and a new life. The judicial system did not offer protection to civilians, and threats and intimidation prevented the existence of justice and freedom in El Salvador. Many Central American immigrants brought with them these fears and the residual effects of living in a society severely impacted by a climate of terror.

The majority of post 1979 Salvadoran immigrants arrived in the United States as part of ethnic and family migration networks, as is the case of Central American communities in San Francisco, Los Angeles, Houston, New Jersey, Chicago, New York, and Washington, D.C. These migrations to the United States were part of a social process regulated by long standing family, friendship, ethnic, home town, and community ties that facilitate moving and ease the immigrant's integration into the host society.

Since the early 1980's Salvadorans had made up the largest of all of the Central American groups in the United States; however, exact demographic figures are not available because of the undocumented immigration status of a large percentage of the population. The Bureau of the Census estimated that the Salvadoran population living in the United States in 1990 to be over 565,081 people, of which 106,405 were U.S. born and 458,676 were foreign born. The 1995 Immigration and Naturalization Service reports place the number of undocumented Salvadorans at 298,000 persons living in the United States without legal immigration documentation. Salvadorans rank second in the numbers of undocumented persons in the United States, surpassed only by the undocumented Mexican population.

7. Guatemalans in the U. S.

Guatemalans began to arrive in the United States following the 1954 military coup that overthrew the democratically elected government of Jacobo Arbenz. After the coup, many individuals were exiled or fled the country in order to escape political persecution; the majority migrated to California. This early migration was characterized by an urban middle class population made up of intellectuals, political activists, union leaders and university students.

According to the 1990 Census, only about 6,000 persons Guatemalans resided in the United Sates prior to 1965. After 1965, the Guatemalan population increased dramatically. The 1990 Census estimated that 268,779 persons of Guatemalan origin lived in the United States; 52,783 were U.S. born., 215, 996 foreign born. However, in 1995, the Immigration and Naturalization Service estimated that there were approximately 121,000 undocumented Guatemalans living in the United States. According to the INS Guatemala ranks third among the ten countries that contribute the most to the undocumented immigration to the United States. In U. S. urban centers, the majority of Guatemalans come from urban communities and originate from middle and working class backgrounds in Guatemala. They are mostly Spanish speaking persons with higher levels of education who are more skilled and better prepared to cope in the U. S. culture and society than are the Indigenous Mayan people who entered the United States in large numbers in the early 1980s. Nevertheless, Mayans have also settled in large metropolitan centers such as Los Angeles, Houston and San Francisco.

During the early 1980's, numerous Mayan communities in Guatemala were systematically destroyed as part of a strategic plan of action on the part of the Guatemalan military government. The refugees were subjected to government military actions that massacred the elderly, women, and children, who made up the vast majority of the refugee population. Entire populations were involuntarily relocated in strategic areas or were forced to migrate to Mexico or the United States by the repressive campaigns of terror carried out by the armed forces. In rural areas in the Southwest, the Central American population is composed mostly of these indigenous, rural people, most of whom made a living from traditional agriculture in Central America. The Mayan indigenous culture is governed by the rhythm of the corn agriculture and the seasons and people preferred to reestablish their lives in a rural rather than an urban lifestyles. Large numbers of Guatemalan Mayan immigrants are unskilled young males with low educational backgrounds who are employed as seasonal migrant workers in the agricultural farms throughout the sunbelt states. There are numerous Guatemalan Mayans working in the agricultural fields of Florida, Texas, Arizona, Oregon, Washington, and California.

8. Nicaraguans in the U.S.

Nicaraguan migrations to the United States began in the 1930's and were characterized by a flow of people escaping political persecution from the Somoza government. This first wave of Nicaraguans to the U.S. was composed of middle class individuals, professionals, intellectuals, university students, labor organizers, and political dissidents. Many of these Nicaraguan exiles resettled in New York, New Orleans, San Francisco, and Los Angeles. During the 1940's, Nicaraguans entered the United States in search of economic opportunities. Many eventually returned to their country after World War II to become part of a new rising entrepreneurial class. During the 1960's, the Nicaraguan population in the United States was the largest of the Central American national groups. As the political turmoil in the 1970's escalated to armed conflict, Nicaraguans sought refuge in the United States. After the fall of the Somoza and the Sandinista victory, many of the original immigrants from the 1930's and 1940's or their descendants returned to live in Nicaragua. During this same period, Nicaraguans associated with the former government began to arrive in the United States. Some of the first Nicaraguans to arrive in the United States during the early 1980's were members of the upper class that fled Nicaragua because of their ties with Somoza or their political disagreements with the Sandinista government. Some were businessmen who had economic ties to Somoza, others were former members of the National Guard who escaped from the Sandinista army. Most of these immigrants resettled legally in Florida and California, bringing their wealth and conservative political ideologies with them.

In the mid-80's, most Nicaraguan immigrants to the United States were working class youth escaping from the Contra War and the military draft. According to the Census, in 1990, 202,658 persons of Nicaraguan origin were residing in the United States, of that total figure 38,363 were U.S. born, 164,295 foreign born. In 1995 the Immigration and Naturalization Service estimated that there were at least 76,000 undocumented Nicaraguans were living in the United States and Nicaragua ranked eighth among the top ten contributing to the undocumented immigration to the United States.

9. Costa Ricans and Hondurans in the U.S.

In 1990 the Census Bureau estimated that 57,223 Costa Ricans were in the U.S., of whom 17,785 were U.S. born, 39,438 foreign born. One can assume that the small number of Costa Ricans in the United States can be attributed to Costa Rica's long history of political stability and democratic tradition. The majority of Hondurans reside in the East Coast, from Florida to New York. The social, cultural and political experiences of both national groups have not been studied in depth.

OBSTACLES TO INTEGRATION AND ADAPTATION

The most common recurring acculturation problems faced by Central and South American immigrants include: language acquisition; lack of employment opportunities, labor market exploitation, low income; educational attainment; access to health care, both physical and psychological, and cultural differences. For those living in the United States without immigration documents their "undocumented" status is the overarching problem. Undocumented South and Central American immigrants have more difficulties in adapting to their host society than do their legal counterparts. Their undocumented immigration status, constant fear of deportation by immigration officials and, often, psychological problems caused by the repressive political conditions in which they previously lived effect their daily lives and settlement experiences. Many undocumented South and Central Americans feel trapped because they are not able to return to their country of origin because of their documentation status and their fear of persecution and lack of personal safety. They encounter a series of difficulties which prevent them from becoming fully incorporated into U.S. society and culture.

1. Language acquisition

Language acquisition is considered an important priority in the acculturation process. Mastering the English language is necessary to improve the socioeconomic and cultural experience of recently arrived immigrants. The higher the degree of proficiency in the new language, the greater the opportunities and skills the individual will possess to enable him/her to effectively interact in the mainstream society.

Individuals holding professional degrees or some formal education demonstrate higher level language acquisition over those who are unskilled laborers; this facilitates labor market opportunities However, for those individuals who do not have legal status in the United States it is very difficult to find work in their fields. Central American professionals, university professors and teachers encounter serious obstacles because they cannot find employment in their areas of expertise. Many professionals experience downward social mobility. Many are employed in occupations where they cannot use their training or skills, this generates frustrations, emotional and psychological problems for these individuals. Further, their high expectations of opportunities available in the United States, and the disappointment of not fulfilling their expectations, creates a high degree of stress.

Age also plays an important role in the acquisition of language skills. Younger individuals demonstrate higher motivation to learn English than older persons. With the exception of individuals with a professional background, middle age and adult age immigrants often limit their social interaction to their ethnic enclave and demonstrate a preference of retaining Spanish as their primary means of communication. This provides them with social comfort but constrains their integration into the labor market, American culture and society.

Although all South and Central American immigrants are confronted by cultural differences when they resettle in the United States, Central and South American indigenous people face particular challenges in their adaptation to the United States. Many indigenous people speak neither English or Spanish; many have never lived outside their rural villages; many have lived their whole lives in the cycle of agriculture and the seasons. The situation of Guatemalan Mayan people who have settled in the state of Florida serves as an example. Most Guatemalan Mayan people working in Florida are Kanjobal speaking people who originate from the town of San Miguel Acatlan located in the northern province of Huehuetenango. Their adjustment has been difficult because they are mostly monolingual, speaking only Mayan languages, and holding non-western cultural values. Mayan people in Florida have encountered cultural problems that disrupt their culture and religion and force the discontinuation of their rituals and cultural traditions. The Mayan refugees in Florida work in the citrus fields and are no longer engaged in the cycle of corn agriculture. Although the experiences of indigenous people from Otovalo, Ecuador is much more urban, they too are confronted by a culture and a way of life which are quite different than their own.

2. Employment opportunities

Employment opportunities are one of the major factors affecting the social adaptation and economic stability of immigrant communities. Those who immigrant with legal status and high levels of education have been able integrated into every sector of the labor market. Those with legal status and low levels of education have some opportunity to pursue education and training, but programs for adults are limited. Because employment opportunities are so closely dependent on an individual's immigration status, although individuals with high education and good English language skills are sometimes able to find better paid employment, the economic opportunities available to undocumented workers are very limited. Even for the educated, employment is most often found in factories, construction and janitorial firms, the hotel and restaurant industry or in domestic services, sectors where undocumented workers are vulnerable to exploitation and paid low wages.

Many immigrants find employment within an ethnic enclave, in the secondary labor market, or in domestic labor. Employment is secured through contacts established in their ethnic network, from family and friends who find jobs for new arrivals at their place of employment, or in places known to hire undocumented workers. For Central Americans, church based groups and nonprofit community agencies have provided employment counseling, referral services and job networks. Under the present day anti-immigrant climate, undocumented immigration status is the most serious problem faced by the majority of Central and South American immigrants in this country. Legislation, such as Proposition 187 in California, seriously impacts the economic, social, and cultural experience of the undocumented Latino population.

3. Educational Needs

According to information available on educational attainment from the March 1994 CPS, Latino adults in the United States have a significant disadvantage in educational attainment vis-à-vis other population groups. However, there are significant differences between Latino subgroups and the contrasting educational profiles of South and Central Americans exemplify some of these differences. As noted, compared to South Americans, Central Americans have lower rates of educational attainment. Also noted there are significant differences between rates of educational attainment between naturalized and non-citizen immigrant populations, with citizen populations having much higher rates of educational attainment..

Poverty appears to play a significant role in educational attainment among youth Among Latinos generally, historically the high school drop-out rate has ranged from two- to three-times the rate of other children depending on the measure used.. Poverty forces teenagers prematurely into the labor force, and problems of over-crowded, poorly equipped big-city schools which most Latinos attend also boost dropout rates and discourage education. Latinos also suffer from discrimination in U.S. schools and in their communities. One glaring obstacle to educational attainment in higher education is lack of documentation status. Almost all institutions of higher learning require access to a social security number and other evidence of legal status. Legislation, like Proposition 187 in California, function to constrict the educational opportunities of undocumented persons even further.

4. Access to Medical and Mental Health Care

Many of the medical and health services targeted towards immigrants and especially those offered to undocumented immigrants have been threatened by the anti-immigrant hysteria of the U.S. government in the early 1990s. One consequence of this hysteria has been proposed restrictions which would not allow the undocumented or their U.S. born children to receive medical services or food stamps. The Central American population in the United States has special needs in the fields of health and nutrition as many recent immigrants suffer from a variety of medical problems such as parasitic infections, gastroenteritis, malnutrition, tuberculosis, high mortality rates and/or mental health problems. Until recently only a small number of social workers, psychologists and psychiatrists had studied the mental health problems of immigrants. Most Central Americans are not familiar with U.S. mental health concepts and psychological treatment. It is common belief in Central America that healthy and sane individuals do not need the services of psychologists and that only the mentally ill do. Yet the incidence of mental health problems such as Psychosocial Trauma, Post Traumatic Stress Disorders, alcoholism, and abuse of pharmaceutical drugs is reportedly high among Central American immigrants, especially among those who are undocumented. Individuals and their relatives who were victims of political violence in their homelands often manifest various forms of psychological problems upon their arrival and settlement in the United States. Torture victims suffer from PTSD symptoms exhibited as severe depression, guilt, nightmares, hyper alertness, insomnia, suicidal tendencies and withdrawal. Psychiatric evaluations of Central Americans conducted by refugee centers in the San Francisco Bay Area have concluded that a significantly large number of their clients suffer from psychosocial trauma and PTSD. Reports documenting the impact of psychological disorders on Central and South American immigrants and their families suggest that marital and family relationships are negatively affected by the above mentioned mental health problems. Conflicts, depression, alcohol and drug abuse, frustration, domestic violence, separation and divorce are the recurring consequences.

POLITICAL INTEGRATION

1. The Emergence of Political Power and Influence in South and Central American U.S. Based Communities

The sociopolitical characteristics of the Central and South American populations are very diverse. Their communities have divergent political ideologies ranging from conservative right wing views to orthodox Marxist orientations. A community in a specific geographical location may manifest a wide diversity of political views or a more unified political ideology. In many ways, political diversity in Central and South American communities has constrained the development of social cohesion and political empowerment for all of its members and, as a group, these communities have ended up having limited political power and influence within the U.S. political structure. To date, South and Central American communities have not unified around issues associated with their shared Latino identity, regionalism, political party affiliations, ethnicity, religion, and/or socioeconomic status. This lack of affiliation has prevented the social cohesion needed to transform these diverse populations into a strong unified political body that would be able to seek viable political solutions to the problems and realities that its members encounter in American society.

One major drawback to political empowerment in many communities has been the common belief on the part of the immigrants that their stay of residence in the United States will be of a temporary nature. Consequently, many remain isolated and neglect to participate in domestic political affairs at the community, municipal, state, or national levels. Over the years, community activists have attempted to persuade South and Central American immigrants to become U.S. citizens and to participate in the electoral process. Until recently, these efforts were fruitless because many South and Central Americans believed that if they became U.S. citizens they would betray their national identity and citizenship. The situation changed rapidly in the 1990s because of the anti-immigrant currents affecting the United States, the passage of Proposition 187 in California in 1995, the passage of the Welfare Reform Bill in 1996 and new immigration legislation initiated by the Federal government. These changes motivated thousands of Central and South Americans to apply for U.S. citizenship in order to retain their social service benefits and protect themselves from INS harassment. For the first time in decades, community activism and political empowerment began to take root in Central and South American communities throughout the country as a response to immigrant bashing and anti-Latino legislation being proposed and passed locally and nationally.

Within the Central American population, the undocumented status of the population has contributed to the community's not achieving formal political power. However, many Central American community organizations have attempted to achieve political power by forming organizations which are closely associated with political parties or organizations in their home country or region. For example, Casa El Salvador, Casa Nicaragua, and some Guatemalan organizations have close ties with Central American revolutionary movements. In California, these groups successfully employed solidarity actions against U.S. policies in Central America. Their success was based on the fact that they did not limit their activities to organizing only with Latin American communities. They reached out to the mainstream and created multiethnic coalitions by working closely with international solidarity coalitions and networks such as CISPES, Amnesty International, and the Emergency Response Network. Their main objective was to deal with issues that directly affected the Central American region, but they did not place their main emphasis on the empowerment efforts within the local communities.

Organizations such as the Coalition for Immigrant and Refugee Rights and Services work within a local community structure to advocate for immigrant issues, especially for abuses against immigrant women. Their efforts have been successful in organizing within the local immigrant community by creating bridges between different immigrant communities. Three Central American refugee organizations have been particularly effective in the internal affairs of the Central American community while, at the same time, representing the refugees in the mainstream society and local political structures. They are the Comite de Refugiados Centro Americanos (CRECE) which provides refugees with social services; the Central American Refugee Center (CARECEN) the legal and immigration services and advocacy agency of the refugee organizations in Washington, D.C., Houston, San Francisco and Los Angeles which provides legal representation to refugees in political asylum hearings, gives health referral services, trains health promoters, and produces literature for the Central American refugee community, and El Rescate in Los Angeles which provides a wide range of services to the Central American population. During the mid-1980's and the early-1990's, CARECEN played an important role in the formation of the Central American National Network (CARNET), which included 38 refugee agencies and grassroots organizations in the United States. The development of local leadership is an important priority in the selection and training of low income Central American refugees who work as refugee rights promoters and refugee advocates. The promoters provide services to the refugee community, speak in public forums, monitor and attempt to impact legislation affecting the Central American refugee community at the municipal, state and national levels.

In these organizations, refugees work together to empower other refugees. Because of their organizational structure, history, philosophy, and their empowerment efforts, these community groups are recognized to represent the leadership in the Central American refugee and immigrant community. They address issues affecting the social experiences and cultural adaptation of Guatemalan and Salvadoran immigrants and refugees. These organizations work closely with the religious organizations, network of churches, Catholic Charities, Baptist Ministries, and Quakers, among others. They receive funds and direct services from religious organizations and private foundations. One successful model can be seen in the work done by St. Peter's Church in the heart of San Francisco's Mission District. Led by the efforts of refugees working side by side with the local pastor, they have created a Central American refugee program that provides a wide variety of services such as a long term shelter for homeless men, mental health counseling, rights advocacy, day laborer advocacy, cultural support and language classes to the Mayan population in the area.

SUMMARY

The South and Central American population includes people who trace their families resettlement in the United States to the 1800s, as well as persons who have recently arrived in the United States. It includes people who have all the privileges of citizenship, as well as those who fear government detection and are most vulnerable to discrimination, exploitation and violation of basic rights. It includes urban people and rural people. It includes people whose primary language is Spanish; people whose primary language is an indigenous Indian language like Quiche, Kanjobal or Quechua; and people whose primary language is English. It includes people who wish to stay in the United States as well as those who dream of returning to live in their homelands. It includes people of all races, many ethnicities, and very diverse socioeconomic backgrounds. It includes people who have been incorporated into American society in very different ways; some welcomed as workers or refugees, others rejected. These millions of people who trace their ancestry to countries in Central and South America have had an important impact on the social, cultural, economic and political fabric of the United States and will continue to do so in the future.

REFERENCES:

A number of studies have been done on Colombian immigrants in the United States. Most important among these are Ines Cruz and Juanita Cantano's Colombian Migration to the United States Part I and Elsa Chaney Colombian Migration to the United States Part II in Tje Dynamics of Migration:International Migration (1976); Ian Rockett's Immigration Legislation and the Flow of Specialized Human Capital from South America to the United States (1976) and Alejandro Portes's Determinants of the Brain Drain (1976).

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